In place of capitalism, eco-anarchists favour ecologically responsible forms of libertarian socialism (see section I), with an economy based on the principles of complementarity with nature; decentralisation of large-scale industries, reskilling of workers, and a return to more artisan-like modes of production; the use of environment-friendly technologies, energy sources, and products; the use of recycled raw materials and renewable resources; and worker-controlled enterprises responsive to the wishes of local community assemblies and labour councils in which decisions are made by direct democracy. (See, e.g. Murray Bookchin, Toward and Ecological Society and Remaking Society). Such an economy would be "steady-state," meaning that the rate of resource depletion would equal the rate of renewal and that it would not be subject to disastrous collapses in the absence of quantitative growth or stimulation by military spending.
As Bookchin emphasises, however, the ecological crisis stems not only from capitalism but from the principle of domination itself (see D.4) -- a principle embodied in institutional hierarchies and relations of command and obedience which pervade society at many different levels. Thus, "[w]ithout changing the most molecular relationships in society -- notably, those between men and women, adults and children, whites and other ethnic groups, heterosexuals and gays (the list, in fact, is considerable) -- society will be riddled by domination even in a socialistic 'classless' and 'non-exploitative' form. It would be infused by hierarchy even as it celebrated the dubious virtues of 'people's democracies,' 'socialism' and the 'public ownership' of 'natural resources,' And as long as hierarchy persists, as long as domination organises humanity around a system of elites, the project of dominating nature will continue to exist and inevitably lead our planet to ecological extinction" [Toward an Ecological Society, p. 76].
So, although we focus our attention below on the economic aspects of the ecological crisis and its solution, it should be kept in mind that a complete solution must be multi-dimensional, addressing all aspects of the total system of hierarchy and domination. This means that only anarchism, with its emphasis on the elimination of coercive authority in all areas of life, goes to the real root of the ecological crisis.
Eco-anarchists advocate workers' control of the economy as a necessary
component of a steady-state economy. This means society-wide ownership of
the means of production and all productive enterprises self-managed by
their workers, as described further in section I.
Most ecologists, even if they are not anarchists, recognise the pernicious
ecological effects of the capitalist "grow or die" principle; but unless
they are also anarchists, they usually fail to make the connection between
that principle and the hierarchical form of the typical capitalist
corporation. In contrast, eco-anarchists emphasise that socially owned and
worker self-managed firms, especially the type in which surpluses are
shared equally among all full-time members, would be under far less
pressure toward rapid expansion than the traditional capitalist firm.
The slower growth rate of co-operatives has been documented in a number of
studies, which show that in the traditional capitalist firm, owners' and
executives' percentage share of profits greatly increases as more
employees are added to the payroll. This is because the corporate
hierarchy is designed to facilitate exploitation by funnelling a
disproportionate share of the surplus value produced by workers to those
at the top of the pyramid (see C.2, "Where do profits come from?") Such a
design gives ownership and management a very strong incentive to expand,
since, other things being equal (e.g. no recession), their income rises
with every new employee hired. Hence the hierarchical form of the
capitalist corporation is one of the main causes of runaway growth. [See
e.g. Henry Levin "Employment and Productivity of Producer Co-operatives,"
in Robert Jackall and Henry Levin (eds.), Worker Co-operatives in
America, UC Press, 1984; cf. David Schweickart, Against Capitalism].
By contrast, in an equal-share worker co-operative, the addition of more
members simply means more people with whom the available pie will have to
be equally divided -- a situation that immensely reduces the incentive to
expand. Thus a libertarian-socialist economy will be able to function in
a stationary state, requiring neither an expanding population nor
technological innovation at a pace sufficient to guarantee increased
production. Moreover, it will be able to switch from a growth state to a
stationary state without excessive disruption. For if consumers start
buying less, this will increase leisure time among producers, which will
be shared by those firms affected first and then gradually spreading to
other sectors. For these reasons, libertarian socialism based on producer
co-operatives is essential for the type of steady-state economy necessary
to solve the ecological crisis.
The eco-anarchist argument for direct (participatory) democracy is that
effective protection of the planet's ecosystems requires that ordinary
citizens be able to take part at the grassroots level in decision-making
that affects their environment, since they are more likely to favour
stringent environmental safeguards than the large, polluting special
interests that now dominate the "representative" system of government.
Thus a solution to the ecological crisis presupposes participatory
democracy in the political sphere -- a transformation that would amount to
a political revolution.
However, as Bakunin emphasised, a political revolution of this nature must
be preceded by a socioeconomic revolution based on workers'
self-management. This is because the daily experience of participatory
decision-making, non-authoritarian modes of organisation, and personalistic
human relationships in small work groups would foster creativity,
spontaneity, responsibility, independence, and respect for individuality
-- the qualities needed for a directly democratic political system to
function effectively.
Given the amount of time that most people spend at the workplace, the
political importance of turning it into a training ground for the
development of libertarian and democratic values can scarcely be
overstated. As history has demonstrated, political revolutions that are
not preceded by mass psychological transformation -- that is, by a
deconditioning from the master/slave attitudes absorbed from the current
system -- result only in the substitution of new ruling elites for the old
ones (e.g. Lenin becoming the new "Tsar" and Communist Party aparatchiks
becoming the new "aristocracy"). Therefore, besides having a slower
growth rate, worker co-operatives with democratic self-management would lay
the psychological foundations for the kind of directly democratic
political system necessary to protect the biosphere. Thus "green"
libertarian socialism is the only proposal radical enough to solve the
ecological crisis.
In contrast, free market capitalism (an extreme example of this viewpoint
being right-wing "libertarianism") not only cannot solve the ecological
crisis but would in fact exacerbate it. Besides the fact that
right libertarians do not propose to dismantle capitalism, which is
necessarily based on "grow or die," they also do not wish to dismantle
the hierarchical structure of the capitalist firm, which contributes its
own greed-driven pressure for expansion, as discussed above. (Indeed,
right-libertarian literature is full of arguments showing that
hierarchical firms are necessary for reasons of "efficiency.") But since
there would be no state regulatory apparatus to mitigate any of the
negative ecological effects of capitalist expansion, "free market"
capitalism would be even more environmentally malignant than the present
system.
In sections E.2, to E.5 we discuss and refute some spurious free market
capitalist "solutions" to the ecological crisis. Section E.7 discusses why
"green consumerism," another basic capitalist assumption, is also
doomed to failure.
“That’s a big honor,” commented Larry. “The passenger, while they were high up, threw something and hit the pilot, the seaplane went out of control, the man jumped—and then cut free his parachute, cut the sack holding the emeralds, and hid in the swamp.” “I see a light,” Sandy said as the airplane swung far out over the dark water. “A green light, but the hydroplane wouldn’t carry lights.” "No, no; it's a good deal, but it ain't too much. Not that it could be more, very well," he added, and he glanced furtively at the woman within, who had stretched out on the lounge with her face to the wall. Mrs. Taylor was fanning her. But though the 21st of January was to be the day of the grand attack on the Ministry, the battle was not deferred till then. Every day was a field-day, and the sinking Minister was dogged step by step, his influence weakened by repeated divisions, and his strength worn out by the display of the inevitable approach of the catastrophe. The first decided defeat that he suffered was in the election of the Chairman of Committees. The Ministerial candidate, Giles Earle, was thrown out by a majority of two hundred and forty-two to two hundred and thirty-eight, and the Opposition candidate, Dr. Lee, was hailed by a shout that rent the House. Other close divisions followed. The fall of Walpole was now certain, and he would have consulted both his dignity and comfort in resigning at once. This was the earnest advice of his friends, but he had been too long accustomed to power to yield willingly. He was oppressed with a sense of his defeats, and the insolence of enemies whom he had so long calmly looked down upon without fear. He was growing old and wanted repose, but he still clung convulsively to his authority, though he had ceased to enjoy it. "Should think they was bride and groom, if they wasn't so old." "March them right over to that shed there," said the Major, "and the Quartermaster will issue them muskets and equipments, which you can turn over again when you reach Chattanooga. Good-by. I hope you'll have a pleasant trip. Remember me to the boys of the old brigade and tell them I'll be with them before they start out for Atlanta." The train finally halted on a side-track in the outskirts of Chattanooga, under the gigantic shadow of Lookout Mountain, and in the midst of an ocean of turmoiling activity that made the eyes ache to look upon it, and awed every one, even Si and Shorty, with a sense of incomprehensible immensity. As far as they could see, in every direction, were camps, forts, intrenchments, flags, hordes of men, trains of wagons, herds of cattle, innumerable horses, countless mules, mountains of boxes, barrels and bales. Immediately around them was a wilderness of trains, with noisy locomotives and shouting men. Regiments returning from veteran furlough, or entirely new ones, were disembarking with loud cheering, which was answered from the camps on the hillsides. On the river front steamboats were whistling and clanging their bells. "Go out and git you a rebel for yourself, if you want to know about 'em," Shorty had snapped at the Orderly. "There's plenty more up there on the hill. It's full of 'em." "Drat 'em! durn 'em!" "He's dead," said Realf. Should you leave me too, O my faithless ladie!" The odds were generally on Reuben. It was felt that a certain unscrupulousness was necessary to the job, and in that Backfield had the advantage. "Young Realf wudn't hurt a fly," his champions had to acknowledge. Though the money was with Reuben, the sympathy was mostly with Realf, for the former's dealings had scarcely made him popular. He was a hard man to his customers, he never let them owe him for grain or roots or fodder; his farm-hands, when drunk, spoke of him as a monster, and a not very tender-hearted peasantry worked itself sentimental over his treatment of his children. Caro was frightened, horrified—she broke free, and scrambled to her feet. She nearly wept, and it was clear even to his muddled brain that her invitation had been merely the result of innocence more profound than that which had stimulated her shyness. Rough seaman though he was, he was touched, and managed to soothe her, for she was too bashful and frightened to be really indignant. They walked a few yards further along the path, then at her request turned back towards Odiam. Calverley reluctantly departed on his mission, cursing the interruption that prevented his enjoying the degradation of his rival, and the baron now inquired whether Holgrave had confessed himself his villein. HoME国家产免费一级毛卡片
ENTER NUMBET 0017 E.1.1 Why do eco-anarchists favour workers' control?
E.1.2 Why do eco-anarchists emphasise direct democracy?
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